Independence, Development, Peace, and Tamazight in Algeria
Once again, Tamazight found itself a victim of the government's political program of denial. On September 2, 1999, while campaigning for the peace initiative in Tizi-Wezzu, the Algerian Amazigh Capital, the new Algerian President, Abdelaziz Boutefliqa (1), shocked the Amazigh community when he said: “If it [Tamazight] must be a national language, it would never be an official one, and it can be a national language only through a referendum." He added that peace among Algerians came first before Tamazight. In doing so, the government has found a way of putting, for the third time on the back burner, the people's demand for the respect and promotion of the Amazigh culture and the teaching of Tamazight.
War of Independence
The first time was before the war of independence. At that time, a crisis had developed within the independence movement. Later known as “the Berber Crisis of 1949”, it saw a rift between two groups: One sought an Algeria that would only be Arab in both language and culture. The other sought a democratic Algeria where all popular cultures would be respected and promoted without any discrimination. Resorting to violence, the pro-Arab group physically eliminated many Amazigh people. As a result, the issues of Amazigh language and culture were put on the back burner for the sake of independence from France.
During the seven-year long war of independence against France, the main Amazigh regions, Kabylia and Aures, were the main pillars of struggle, and supported the guerilla war with both money and fighters. A case in point is the number of Amazigh leaders among the Algerian revolutionary forces. A strong guerrilla in the Amazigh regions opposed the powerful French military machine. In addition, Wilaya III (Kabylia) had the largest funds among all the six different regions of Algeria as indicated in the recent publication of Abane Ramdane’s Soumam Congress Report.
Development Plan
Upon independence, the Algerian government initiated a program to develop the country, but it simultaneously started a process of Arabicization and hired teachers from Egypt, Palestine, Iraq, and Syria to teach Arabic to Algerians. For the second time, the government found a way to put Tamazight on the back burner when it argued that building and strengthening newly independent Algeria came first before Tamazight. Repression fell on militants of Tamazight who made claims for their language and culture. Today, more than 37 years since Algeria got its independence, it is still developing itself. And the government has no plan for Tamazight.
Peace Initiative
Today, for the third time in Algeria's history, the government argues that peace comes before Tamazight. Despite the peace initiative and the amnesty given to the armed groups, more than 100 people have been killed in the month of November 1999 only (2).
Starting in 1988, the government faced a popular discontent triggered by an economic crisis. It resulted in riots, which were met with violent reprisal by the police and armed forces. Amidst the turmoil, the early 1990’s saw the formation of armed religious groups that resorted to violence against the government forces. However, their main targets were intellectuals, journalists, educators, women, and farmers, peasants, and foreigners. One such victim was the Amazigh writer Tahar Djaout, a journalist and editor of a weekly newspaper “Ruptures”, who was gunned down outside his house and died in June 1993. As a strong proponent of democracy and freedom, he was known for criticizing the policies of the government policies.
Double Standards
During the eight-year civil war, more than 100,000 civilians were killed. While violence was reaching every segment of the civil society, the government-appointed the non-elected National Transitional Council passed a law that made Arabic the only official language of Algeria in 1994. This law forbids people from using any language other than Arabic in public. It also requires the use of the Arabic language in all official documents.
When the government passed the language law in 1994, Algerians were daily targets of car bombs, and mass execution at roadblocks. Did the government care about the civilians then? Does it care today more than it did yesterday? This only shows the government's double standards when it comes to Tamazight.
By suggesting the idea of referendum, one must wonder how come the government neither suggested nor held a referendum for Arabic to become the official language. That is something called double standards. Moreover, the idea of referendum on Tamazight is illogical: One people's identity, language, culture and dignity, in this case Imazighen, can not be voted on by another people, in this case the speakers of Algerian Arabic.
Tamazight
During 1994-1995, Algeria faced a popular yearlong school boycott in the Kabylia region. After lengthy negotiations with the leaders of the Amazigh cultural movement (MCB), the government agreed to form a commission called HCA (High Commission for Amazighity) in May 1995. It also declared that: ”Tamazight was the language of all Algerians”, giving itself the right to manage the future of Tamazight: the common heritage of all Algerians as the government had asserted. Shouldn't such a declaration be a sufficient reason for making Tamazight an official and national language? Doesn't the declaration mean that Tamazight is a full dimension of Algerian history and heritage?
The objective of the government's declaration if far from implying its genuine interest in the future of Tamazight: It was obviously only a ploy to stop Tamazight from becoming a regional issue because its discrimination against Tamazight and Imazighen would attract the attention of the international community.
By arguing that Algeria needs peace first instead of Tamazight, the government, for the third time, seeks to buy time to continue its repression of the Amazigh culture and language. Even if the government is telling the truth, how will peace be measured? By the number of people being killed each day? Despite the peace initiative and the amnesty, more than 100 people have died in the first three weeks of November only.
The government's previous arguments for delaying the recognition of Tamazight turned out to be ploy to silence the aspirations of Imazighen. It never wanted to start a program of promotion and preservation of the Amazigh culture and language. Consequently, the government's plan to seek peace for Algerians is anything but a ploy to distract them from Tamazight, which should have been recognized to be an Algerian dimension before, during, and after the independence.
The Algerian government continues to miss opportunities to correct its policy and treatment of the several-thousand-year culture and language. Is this the way in which the Algerian government wants to reward the hundred of thousands of Imazighen who gave their lives so that Algeria would be freed from France?
Perseverance
Today, to the government dismay, more Imazighen than ever in Algeria and outside are claiming the rights to their language and culture. Their interest in Tamazight is clearly indicated by the numerous publications of books and magazines in Tamazight. More than three movies in Tamazight have been produced by Amazigh directors. Many cultural associations are providing young Imazighen with lessons in Amazigh grammar and transcription: All indications of love and dedication of Imazighen to recover and promote their culture and language. Perseverance pays.
Notes:
1 President Boutefliqa is no other than the former foreign minister of Houari Boumediene under whose rule Amazigh activists were met with one the harshest repression. Even high school students were arrested for the mere possession of Tifinagh alphabet in their textbooks. Last August, President Boutefliqa refused an invitation to attend the UNESCO general conference at the end of October in Paris (AFP October 1, 1999.)
2 The Algerian daily newspapers reported that more than 18 people were killed on November 20, 1999 at a road block between the cities of Medea and Blida.
War of Independence
The first time was before the war of independence. At that time, a crisis had developed within the independence movement. Later known as “the Berber Crisis of 1949”, it saw a rift between two groups: One sought an Algeria that would only be Arab in both language and culture. The other sought a democratic Algeria where all popular cultures would be respected and promoted without any discrimination. Resorting to violence, the pro-Arab group physically eliminated many Amazigh people. As a result, the issues of Amazigh language and culture were put on the back burner for the sake of independence from France.
During the seven-year long war of independence against France, the main Amazigh regions, Kabylia and Aures, were the main pillars of struggle, and supported the guerilla war with both money and fighters. A case in point is the number of Amazigh leaders among the Algerian revolutionary forces. A strong guerrilla in the Amazigh regions opposed the powerful French military machine. In addition, Wilaya III (Kabylia) had the largest funds among all the six different regions of Algeria as indicated in the recent publication of Abane Ramdane’s Soumam Congress Report.
Development Plan
Upon independence, the Algerian government initiated a program to develop the country, but it simultaneously started a process of Arabicization and hired teachers from Egypt, Palestine, Iraq, and Syria to teach Arabic to Algerians. For the second time, the government found a way to put Tamazight on the back burner when it argued that building and strengthening newly independent Algeria came first before Tamazight. Repression fell on militants of Tamazight who made claims for their language and culture. Today, more than 37 years since Algeria got its independence, it is still developing itself. And the government has no plan for Tamazight.
Peace Initiative
Today, for the third time in Algeria's history, the government argues that peace comes before Tamazight. Despite the peace initiative and the amnesty given to the armed groups, more than 100 people have been killed in the month of November 1999 only (2).
Starting in 1988, the government faced a popular discontent triggered by an economic crisis. It resulted in riots, which were met with violent reprisal by the police and armed forces. Amidst the turmoil, the early 1990’s saw the formation of armed religious groups that resorted to violence against the government forces. However, their main targets were intellectuals, journalists, educators, women, and farmers, peasants, and foreigners. One such victim was the Amazigh writer Tahar Djaout, a journalist and editor of a weekly newspaper “Ruptures”, who was gunned down outside his house and died in June 1993. As a strong proponent of democracy and freedom, he was known for criticizing the policies of the government policies.
Double Standards
During the eight-year civil war, more than 100,000 civilians were killed. While violence was reaching every segment of the civil society, the government-appointed the non-elected National Transitional Council passed a law that made Arabic the only official language of Algeria in 1994. This law forbids people from using any language other than Arabic in public. It also requires the use of the Arabic language in all official documents.
When the government passed the language law in 1994, Algerians were daily targets of car bombs, and mass execution at roadblocks. Did the government care about the civilians then? Does it care today more than it did yesterday? This only shows the government's double standards when it comes to Tamazight.
By suggesting the idea of referendum, one must wonder how come the government neither suggested nor held a referendum for Arabic to become the official language. That is something called double standards. Moreover, the idea of referendum on Tamazight is illogical: One people's identity, language, culture and dignity, in this case Imazighen, can not be voted on by another people, in this case the speakers of Algerian Arabic.
Tamazight
During 1994-1995, Algeria faced a popular yearlong school boycott in the Kabylia region. After lengthy negotiations with the leaders of the Amazigh cultural movement (MCB), the government agreed to form a commission called HCA (High Commission for Amazighity) in May 1995. It also declared that: ”Tamazight was the language of all Algerians”, giving itself the right to manage the future of Tamazight: the common heritage of all Algerians as the government had asserted. Shouldn't such a declaration be a sufficient reason for making Tamazight an official and national language? Doesn't the declaration mean that Tamazight is a full dimension of Algerian history and heritage?
The objective of the government's declaration if far from implying its genuine interest in the future of Tamazight: It was obviously only a ploy to stop Tamazight from becoming a regional issue because its discrimination against Tamazight and Imazighen would attract the attention of the international community.
By arguing that Algeria needs peace first instead of Tamazight, the government, for the third time, seeks to buy time to continue its repression of the Amazigh culture and language. Even if the government is telling the truth, how will peace be measured? By the number of people being killed each day? Despite the peace initiative and the amnesty, more than 100 people have died in the first three weeks of November only.
The government's previous arguments for delaying the recognition of Tamazight turned out to be ploy to silence the aspirations of Imazighen. It never wanted to start a program of promotion and preservation of the Amazigh culture and language. Consequently, the government's plan to seek peace for Algerians is anything but a ploy to distract them from Tamazight, which should have been recognized to be an Algerian dimension before, during, and after the independence.
The Algerian government continues to miss opportunities to correct its policy and treatment of the several-thousand-year culture and language. Is this the way in which the Algerian government wants to reward the hundred of thousands of Imazighen who gave their lives so that Algeria would be freed from France?
Perseverance
Today, to the government dismay, more Imazighen than ever in Algeria and outside are claiming the rights to their language and culture. Their interest in Tamazight is clearly indicated by the numerous publications of books and magazines in Tamazight. More than three movies in Tamazight have been produced by Amazigh directors. Many cultural associations are providing young Imazighen with lessons in Amazigh grammar and transcription: All indications of love and dedication of Imazighen to recover and promote their culture and language. Perseverance pays.
Notes:
1 President Boutefliqa is no other than the former foreign minister of Houari Boumediene under whose rule Amazigh activists were met with one the harshest repression. Even high school students were arrested for the mere possession of Tifinagh alphabet in their textbooks. Last August, President Boutefliqa refused an invitation to attend the UNESCO general conference at the end of October in Paris (AFP October 1, 1999.)
2 The Algerian daily newspapers reported that more than 18 people were killed on November 20, 1999 at a road block between the cities of Medea and Blida.
