Open Letter to the US Ambassador to Algeria:
May 20, 2002
The US Must Press for the Respect for Human Rights in Algeria
Her Excellency
The Ambassador Janet A. Sanderson
American Embassy in Algeria
State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520
Your Excellency:
We, the members of the Amazigh-American community, are deeply concerned about the silence of the US Administration on the ongoing crisis in Kabylia as well as its lack of commitment to democracy and human rights in Algeria. We appeal to you, as the highest US official in Algeria, to use your leadership position to reassess the US foreign policy towards Algeria. We believe this would ease the current crisis and pressure the Algerian government to pursue democratic reforms and respect for human rights, with a greater degree of commitment.
In July 2001, the US Administration claimed to have re-emphasized human rights issues and democracy in Algeria during President Bouteflika visit to The White House. However, as evidenced by its resumption of brutal repression of the peaceful civil movement in Kabylia, the Algerian government seems to be taking advantage of the US’s silence. In the past few months, the government’s repressive actions have grown both in brutality and scope. More than 400 people, including leaders of the civil movement and youths, have been arbitrarily arrested and 10 others have been killed. The paramilitary forces have continued to use live ammunition and at times have resorted to the use of knives and hatchets. Some of the victims were attacked at night in their own homes; others were shot at point blank in broad daylight. According to independent newspaper reports, the people in Kabylia have been subjected to a brutality that reminds them of the French colonial occupation.
Professor Issad's report on the events in Kabylia, released in December 2001 and which President Bouteflika himself requested, unequivocally blamed the security forces for the killing of more than 100 and the injury of more than 3,000 civilians. However, the government has yet to bring charges against any of the perpetrators and their superiors. To this date, no one has been publicly sanctioned.
Instead of responding positively to the Amazigh people’s demands, the Algerian government first blamed the democratic parties of RCD and FFS, then the independent media, and finally France for instigating the popular protests. Using foreign manipulation tactic is in fact not new to the Algerian government: It has resorted to it time and time again since Algeria’s independence in order to hold on to power. In 1963 the Algerian government blamed the US, the CIA in particular, to be behind the rebellion in Kabylia, as evidenced by the US State Department declassified May 26-27, 1964 Telegram of US Ambassador to Algeria. In 1980 Algeria blamed again the US and France for the Berber Spring unrest (The New York Times, “Algeria Accuses US and Others in Berbers’ Unrest,” April 25, 1980). It particularly referred to these countries as imperialists, seeking to destroy Algeria. Surprisingly, Algeria spared the US an accusation in 2001.
The abysmal human rights and democracy record of the 40-year-old Algerian regime includes:
1. Lack of democratic institutions and representation:
· Appointment of 1/3 of the senators by the President
· Appointment of all 48 province governors by the President
· Nomination of all 180 county officials by the 48 governors and their confirmation by the central government
· Fraudulent elections such as those of 1997 during which the governmental political party RND, created only four months before the elections, won the majority of the seats
· Not allowing international organizations to monitor elections
· Inexistence of an independent judicial system
· The lack of legislative power of the Parliament, with its functions limited to rubber-stamping government laws
2. Impunity of government officials and lack of accountability to the Algerian people
3. Human rights abuses and crimes against humanity:
· The Brutal repression in Kabylia, which includes:
o Arbitrary arrests without warrants and arrest of leaders of the non-violent civil movement
o Shooting of unarmed demonstrators with live and explosive bullets
o Violation of people’s homes and raiding of private businesses
o Kidnappings
o Rape
o Torture
o Physical and verbal abuse; provocation and racial slurs
· The May 18, 2002 arrest of more than 50 students in Algiers who were protesting the repression in Kabylia during President Bouteflika visit to the University of Algiers, as well as a member of a human rights league and a member of the FFS who entered the campus to inquire about the situation.
· The deployment of paramilitary and special forces units to repress the peaceful movement in Kabylia instead of tracking down terrorist groups, which continue to plant bombs and massacre civilians. The May 4, 2002 massacre of 31 members of three families, including young children, near the cities of Tiaret and Chlef, and the bomb explosion in a marketplace in Kabylia, which left 5 dead and 30 severely injured, brings the total number of casualties to 580 for this year alone.
· The unconstitutional 1984 Family Code that discriminates against women, assigning them the status of minor for life
· The failure to intervene to stop terrorists attacks on civilians
· The refusal to allow UN and NGOs human rights experts into Algeria to investigate human rights abuses
· The harassment and arrests of human rights activists
· The rejection of international humanitarian aid for the victims of violence
· The refusal to allow a UN special rapporteur to investigate the violence, though Algeria voted in favor of assigning a similar rapporteur to Iran and Sudan.
4. The promotion of terrorism and hatred:
The current regime is the same one that took Algeria on a communist-socialist “ride” for more than a quarter of a century (1962-1988). Meanwhile, it failed to separate religion and state, manipulated religion for political gains, promoted mediocre school programs, granted useless school diplomas, thus succeeding in sowing seeds of ignorance, intolerance and hatred, growing and nurturing them for more than two decades. Today, after the blood of more than 150,000 civilians has been spilled, the same Algerian regime reaps the benefits, its tyranny comforted by the impressive silence of the UN and the international community at large. The government’s promotion of terrorism and hatred is evidenced by:
· The convergence of the government’s policies and ideology with those of the fundamentalists: Both are against women’s rights, freedom of worship and speech, democracy, and human rights.
· The legalization of political parties whose ideologies are based on religion
· The granting of full amnesty to six thousands terrorists whom it blamed for the death of more than 150,000 Algerians and more than 100 foreigners, and the exiling of more than 500,000 Algerians.
· The appointment of leaders of religious-based political parties to government positions, some of whom are sympathizers with the terrorists groups. One such party is the MSP, whose leader declared during a forum held by the newspaper El Youm in November 2001 that he was proud to have sent more than 20 groups of his followers to Afghanistan to fight a holy war against the Soviets. Upon their return to Algeria, many of these Afghan war veterans joined the Armed Islamic Group known as the GIA, which today is on the US Administration’s list of terrorist groups.
· The promotion of hate and intolerance in schools and places of worship. The independent newspaper Liberté April 28, 2002 reported the call for the murder of the people of Kabylia by the Imam (religious authority appointed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs) of the mosque of la Cité des Mûriers in Constantine.
· The banning of anti-government and anti-fundamentalist publications. A case in point is writer Rachid Boudjedra’s “The FIS of Hatred” and writer Rachid Mimouni’s “Of Barbarism in General and of Fundamentalism in Particular.” These two books exposed the government’s involvement and sustainment of the fundamentalist movement.
· The condoning of attacks on women. On July 13, 2001, after the Friday sermon by Imam Amar Taleb in the most secure Saharan city of Hassi Messaoud, a mob of 300 men attacked workingwomen in the Bouamama neighborhood for eight hours. The women were reportedly raped and beaten, and six of them were killed while the police was under order not to intervene. As a government employee of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Imam accused the women of prostitution simply because they were single and lived alone, without a male guardian. Out of the 300 men, only 30 were arrested. On June 15, 2002, ten of them were released and the rest were given prison sentences ranging from five months to three years. Newspaper reports indicated that many women were harassed the family of the suspects and threatened and therefore “preferred” to forgive them.
· The President’s allusion in several of his recent public speeches to the fact that women should not dress or act in ways that would provoke Islamists.
· Rejection of a call by the US and EU for an independent inquiry into the killings to assist the international community to help Algeria in fighting terrorism, on the basis that this would be an assault on Algeria’s pride.
5. The Government’s record on the freedom of the press:
· Control of Algeria’s sole TV channel
· Control of Algeria’s three radio stations (Arabic, Amazigh, and French)
· Control of newspaper printing equipment
· Monopoly and control of business advertisements
· Forcing of independent press journalists to exile and the shutting down of newspapers
· Continued harassment and arrests of journalists of the independent press for their opinions and writings, namely Mr. Sid-Ahmed Semiane (Le Matin), Mr. Ali Dilem (Liberté), Ms. Salima Tlemçani (El-Watan), and Mr. Omar Belhouchet (EL-Watan).
· Refusal to grant visas to foreign journalists and those who are allowed into the country are granted only limited access to information and are forced to work under the security forces’ surveillance.
· June 2001 institution of a penal code that threatens freedom of the press
In July 2001, several political analysts reportedly saw in the Algerian President’s visit to Washington a shift in the US foreign policy towards business. Given Algeria’s record, this unfortunately undermines the current US administration’s credibility as an advocate for human rights, democracy, and freedom in the world. Such policy, regrettably, not only discredits the current US Administration, but also contradicts the American values of democracy, freedom, and free speech. Furthermore, it jeopardizes America’s interests at home and abroad and at the same time helps maintain in place the Algerian authoritarian regime. If America’s interests are to be well served, the US Administration should work towards promoting a successful transition to institutionalized democracy, which would promote peace, stability, economic prosperity, and the rule of law, that are long deserved by the Algerian people.
The Algerian government remains a detestable military regime that has made a mockery of freedom and democracy (America’s way of life). The upcoming May 30 election-masquerade, rejected by the people of Kabylia and the democratic opposition parties of RCD, FFS, ANR, and MDS, is nothing but its shameful ploy to hold on to power. We believe the US Administration should start to condition American-Algerian relations, both economic and political, on Algeria’s implementation of democratic reforms, and its respect for human rights and international laws.
Your recent visit to a book fair showed your concern for Algerian publishers and the problems they encounter. However, your paying a visit to the families of victims of the repression and terrorism would definitely send a strong message to the Algerian authorities and the international community. At the same time it would help comfort the downtrodden Algeria civilians, who, in spite of the despicable acts of violence they have endured over the last decade, continue to struggle for a better life.
Your Excellency, by not abdicating your responsibility to advocate human rights, freedom, and democracy in Algeria, you would be greatly honoring the values on which America is built, strengthening the US’s credibility overseas, and protecting America’s interest.
Please be advised that this letter is being sent to The White House, The State Department, The Senate, The House of Representatives, US media, Algerian independent media, The Council of US Ambassadors, NGOs, and major US companies.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
The Amazigh-American Community in Solidarity with Kabylia
The US Must Press for the Respect for Human Rights in Algeria
Her Excellency
The Ambassador Janet A. Sanderson
American Embassy in Algeria
State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520
Your Excellency:
We, the members of the Amazigh-American community, are deeply concerned about the silence of the US Administration on the ongoing crisis in Kabylia as well as its lack of commitment to democracy and human rights in Algeria. We appeal to you, as the highest US official in Algeria, to use your leadership position to reassess the US foreign policy towards Algeria. We believe this would ease the current crisis and pressure the Algerian government to pursue democratic reforms and respect for human rights, with a greater degree of commitment.
In July 2001, the US Administration claimed to have re-emphasized human rights issues and democracy in Algeria during President Bouteflika visit to The White House. However, as evidenced by its resumption of brutal repression of the peaceful civil movement in Kabylia, the Algerian government seems to be taking advantage of the US’s silence. In the past few months, the government’s repressive actions have grown both in brutality and scope. More than 400 people, including leaders of the civil movement and youths, have been arbitrarily arrested and 10 others have been killed. The paramilitary forces have continued to use live ammunition and at times have resorted to the use of knives and hatchets. Some of the victims were attacked at night in their own homes; others were shot at point blank in broad daylight. According to independent newspaper reports, the people in Kabylia have been subjected to a brutality that reminds them of the French colonial occupation.
Professor Issad's report on the events in Kabylia, released in December 2001 and which President Bouteflika himself requested, unequivocally blamed the security forces for the killing of more than 100 and the injury of more than 3,000 civilians. However, the government has yet to bring charges against any of the perpetrators and their superiors. To this date, no one has been publicly sanctioned.
Instead of responding positively to the Amazigh people’s demands, the Algerian government first blamed the democratic parties of RCD and FFS, then the independent media, and finally France for instigating the popular protests. Using foreign manipulation tactic is in fact not new to the Algerian government: It has resorted to it time and time again since Algeria’s independence in order to hold on to power. In 1963 the Algerian government blamed the US, the CIA in particular, to be behind the rebellion in Kabylia, as evidenced by the US State Department declassified May 26-27, 1964 Telegram of US Ambassador to Algeria. In 1980 Algeria blamed again the US and France for the Berber Spring unrest (The New York Times, “Algeria Accuses US and Others in Berbers’ Unrest,” April 25, 1980). It particularly referred to these countries as imperialists, seeking to destroy Algeria. Surprisingly, Algeria spared the US an accusation in 2001.
The abysmal human rights and democracy record of the 40-year-old Algerian regime includes:
1. Lack of democratic institutions and representation:
· Appointment of 1/3 of the senators by the President
· Appointment of all 48 province governors by the President
· Nomination of all 180 county officials by the 48 governors and their confirmation by the central government
· Fraudulent elections such as those of 1997 during which the governmental political party RND, created only four months before the elections, won the majority of the seats
· Not allowing international organizations to monitor elections
· Inexistence of an independent judicial system
· The lack of legislative power of the Parliament, with its functions limited to rubber-stamping government laws
2. Impunity of government officials and lack of accountability to the Algerian people
3. Human rights abuses and crimes against humanity:
· The Brutal repression in Kabylia, which includes:
o Arbitrary arrests without warrants and arrest of leaders of the non-violent civil movement
o Shooting of unarmed demonstrators with live and explosive bullets
o Violation of people’s homes and raiding of private businesses
o Kidnappings
o Rape
o Torture
o Physical and verbal abuse; provocation and racial slurs
· The May 18, 2002 arrest of more than 50 students in Algiers who were protesting the repression in Kabylia during President Bouteflika visit to the University of Algiers, as well as a member of a human rights league and a member of the FFS who entered the campus to inquire about the situation.
· The deployment of paramilitary and special forces units to repress the peaceful movement in Kabylia instead of tracking down terrorist groups, which continue to plant bombs and massacre civilians. The May 4, 2002 massacre of 31 members of three families, including young children, near the cities of Tiaret and Chlef, and the bomb explosion in a marketplace in Kabylia, which left 5 dead and 30 severely injured, brings the total number of casualties to 580 for this year alone.
· The unconstitutional 1984 Family Code that discriminates against women, assigning them the status of minor for life
· The failure to intervene to stop terrorists attacks on civilians
· The refusal to allow UN and NGOs human rights experts into Algeria to investigate human rights abuses
· The harassment and arrests of human rights activists
· The rejection of international humanitarian aid for the victims of violence
· The refusal to allow a UN special rapporteur to investigate the violence, though Algeria voted in favor of assigning a similar rapporteur to Iran and Sudan.
4. The promotion of terrorism and hatred:
The current regime is the same one that took Algeria on a communist-socialist “ride” for more than a quarter of a century (1962-1988). Meanwhile, it failed to separate religion and state, manipulated religion for political gains, promoted mediocre school programs, granted useless school diplomas, thus succeeding in sowing seeds of ignorance, intolerance and hatred, growing and nurturing them for more than two decades. Today, after the blood of more than 150,000 civilians has been spilled, the same Algerian regime reaps the benefits, its tyranny comforted by the impressive silence of the UN and the international community at large. The government’s promotion of terrorism and hatred is evidenced by:
· The convergence of the government’s policies and ideology with those of the fundamentalists: Both are against women’s rights, freedom of worship and speech, democracy, and human rights.
· The legalization of political parties whose ideologies are based on religion
· The granting of full amnesty to six thousands terrorists whom it blamed for the death of more than 150,000 Algerians and more than 100 foreigners, and the exiling of more than 500,000 Algerians.
· The appointment of leaders of religious-based political parties to government positions, some of whom are sympathizers with the terrorists groups. One such party is the MSP, whose leader declared during a forum held by the newspaper El Youm in November 2001 that he was proud to have sent more than 20 groups of his followers to Afghanistan to fight a holy war against the Soviets. Upon their return to Algeria, many of these Afghan war veterans joined the Armed Islamic Group known as the GIA, which today is on the US Administration’s list of terrorist groups.
· The promotion of hate and intolerance in schools and places of worship. The independent newspaper Liberté April 28, 2002 reported the call for the murder of the people of Kabylia by the Imam (religious authority appointed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs) of the mosque of la Cité des Mûriers in Constantine.
· The banning of anti-government and anti-fundamentalist publications. A case in point is writer Rachid Boudjedra’s “The FIS of Hatred” and writer Rachid Mimouni’s “Of Barbarism in General and of Fundamentalism in Particular.” These two books exposed the government’s involvement and sustainment of the fundamentalist movement.
· The condoning of attacks on women. On July 13, 2001, after the Friday sermon by Imam Amar Taleb in the most secure Saharan city of Hassi Messaoud, a mob of 300 men attacked workingwomen in the Bouamama neighborhood for eight hours. The women were reportedly raped and beaten, and six of them were killed while the police was under order not to intervene. As a government employee of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Imam accused the women of prostitution simply because they were single and lived alone, without a male guardian. Out of the 300 men, only 30 were arrested. On June 15, 2002, ten of them were released and the rest were given prison sentences ranging from five months to three years. Newspaper reports indicated that many women were harassed the family of the suspects and threatened and therefore “preferred” to forgive them.
· The President’s allusion in several of his recent public speeches to the fact that women should not dress or act in ways that would provoke Islamists.
· Rejection of a call by the US and EU for an independent inquiry into the killings to assist the international community to help Algeria in fighting terrorism, on the basis that this would be an assault on Algeria’s pride.
5. The Government’s record on the freedom of the press:
· Control of Algeria’s sole TV channel
· Control of Algeria’s three radio stations (Arabic, Amazigh, and French)
· Control of newspaper printing equipment
· Monopoly and control of business advertisements
· Forcing of independent press journalists to exile and the shutting down of newspapers
· Continued harassment and arrests of journalists of the independent press for their opinions and writings, namely Mr. Sid-Ahmed Semiane (Le Matin), Mr. Ali Dilem (Liberté), Ms. Salima Tlemçani (El-Watan), and Mr. Omar Belhouchet (EL-Watan).
· Refusal to grant visas to foreign journalists and those who are allowed into the country are granted only limited access to information and are forced to work under the security forces’ surveillance.
· June 2001 institution of a penal code that threatens freedom of the press
In July 2001, several political analysts reportedly saw in the Algerian President’s visit to Washington a shift in the US foreign policy towards business. Given Algeria’s record, this unfortunately undermines the current US administration’s credibility as an advocate for human rights, democracy, and freedom in the world. Such policy, regrettably, not only discredits the current US Administration, but also contradicts the American values of democracy, freedom, and free speech. Furthermore, it jeopardizes America’s interests at home and abroad and at the same time helps maintain in place the Algerian authoritarian regime. If America’s interests are to be well served, the US Administration should work towards promoting a successful transition to institutionalized democracy, which would promote peace, stability, economic prosperity, and the rule of law, that are long deserved by the Algerian people.
The Algerian government remains a detestable military regime that has made a mockery of freedom and democracy (America’s way of life). The upcoming May 30 election-masquerade, rejected by the people of Kabylia and the democratic opposition parties of RCD, FFS, ANR, and MDS, is nothing but its shameful ploy to hold on to power. We believe the US Administration should start to condition American-Algerian relations, both economic and political, on Algeria’s implementation of democratic reforms, and its respect for human rights and international laws.
Your recent visit to a book fair showed your concern for Algerian publishers and the problems they encounter. However, your paying a visit to the families of victims of the repression and terrorism would definitely send a strong message to the Algerian authorities and the international community. At the same time it would help comfort the downtrodden Algeria civilians, who, in spite of the despicable acts of violence they have endured over the last decade, continue to struggle for a better life.
Your Excellency, by not abdicating your responsibility to advocate human rights, freedom, and democracy in Algeria, you would be greatly honoring the values on which America is built, strengthening the US’s credibility overseas, and protecting America’s interest.
Please be advised that this letter is being sent to The White House, The State Department, The Senate, The House of Representatives, US media, Algerian independent media, The Council of US Ambassadors, NGOs, and major US companies.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
The Amazigh-American Community in Solidarity with Kabylia
